The Sahrawi Passport: The African Union Member Whose Territory Is Occupied

The Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic is a full member of the African Union, recognized by 84 countries, and the government of a territory that another country has controlled for 50 years. It operates from a refugee camp in the Algerian desert. It issues passports. And the territory it claims — Western Sahara, on the northwestern coast of Africa — is the largest remaining “non-self-governing territory” on the UN’s decolonization list, a status it has held since Spain withdrew in 1975.

The Sahrawi passport is one of the more functional “disputed state” travel documents in existence — recognized in 84 countries, including many African, Latin American, and Middle Eastern states. It is also, for most Sahrawis, not what they travel on. Most use Algerian documents, Mauritanian documents, or passports from the roughly dozen other countries in which the Sahrawi diaspora has settled.

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What Is Western Sahara?

Western Sahara is a territory of about 266,000 square kilometers on the northwestern coast of Africa, bordered by Morocco to the north, Algeria to the northeast, Mauritania to the south and east, and the Atlantic Ocean to the west. It is mostly desert. Its pre-conflict indigenous population — the Sahrawis — were a Hassaniya Arabic-speaking nomadic and semi-nomadic people who had lived in the territory for centuries. Its current population is disputed: Morocco has settled large numbers of Moroccan nationals there, and most original Sahrawis have either fled to refugee camps or integrated into Moroccan-administered areas.

Spain colonized the territory as Spanish Sahara in the late 19th century. As decolonization swept Africa in the 1960s and 70s, pressure to decolonize Western Sahara grew. Spain agreed in 1975 to hold a referendum on self-determination. Morocco and Mauritania had other ideas.

The Green March and What Followed

In November 1975, King Hassan II of Morocco organized what he called the “Green March” — 350,000 Moroccan civilians marching into Western Sahara, backed by Moroccan military, to assert Moroccan sovereignty. Spain, dealing with Francisco Franco’s death and unwilling to fight a war, essentially handed the territory to Morocco and Mauritania under the Madrid Accords. The UN General Assembly condemned the march and called for self-determination. The International Court of Justice had just issued an advisory opinion (one month before the march) holding that Morocco’s historical ties to Western Sahara did not give it sovereignty over the territory.

The Polisario Front — the Sahrawi national liberation movement — had been fighting Spain and then immediately pivoted to fighting Morocco and Mauritania. It was backed by Algeria, which had its own reasons for opposing Moroccan regional dominance. In 1976, the Polisario proclaimed the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. Mauritania, unable to sustain the war, signed a peace agreement in 1979 and withdrew its territorial claim. Morocco moved into the Mauritanian-claimed portion as well and built a 2,700-kilometer sand berm — the Moroccan Wall — separating its controlled territory from the Polisario-controlled eastern strip.

A UN-brokered ceasefire in 1991 was followed by UN promises of a referendum on self-determination — which has not happened. The referendum has been continuously delayed for 30 years, primarily because Morocco refuses to allow independence as an option and the two sides cannot agree on who qualifies as a voter.

The SADR: Government in Exile

The SADR government is based in Tindouf, Algeria, in a refugee camp complex called the Tindouf camps that houses an estimated 90,000 to 165,000 Sahrawi refugees (the exact number is disputed). The camps have existed since 1975 — making them among the oldest and most established refugee populations in the world. Sahrawi children born in the camps are now third-generation refugees.

The SADR operates with full governmental functions: it has ministries, a national council (parliament), a president, a judicial system, schools, hospitals, and a police force within the camps. It was admitted to the African Union in 1984 — Morocco suspended its own AU membership in protest and only rejoined in 2017 as part of a broader African diplomatic strategy. The SADR’s AU membership gives it a seat at the table of continental governance and a platform for its sovereignty claims.

The Sahrawi Passport

The SADR issues passports through its government infrastructure in the Tindouf camps. The document bears the SADR seal and is recognized by the 84 countries that have formally recognized the SADR as a sovereign state — primarily African Union members (given that AU membership implies recognition), Latin American countries (Cuba, Venezuela, Mexico, Bolivia, Nicaragua, and many others), and some Asian and Middle Eastern states.

For a disputed-state passport, 84-country recognition is substantial. The Sahrawi passport opens more doors than the passports of Northern Cyprus (1 country), Transnistria (0 countries), or Abkhazia (5 countries). In the countries that recognize SADR, it functions as a standard travel document. In Morocco-aligned and Western states, it is not recognized.

The practical limitation: most Sahrawis don’t travel primarily on SADR documents. Tindouf camp residents use Algerian travel documents for most international travel. Sahrawi diaspora members in Spain, France, and other European countries typically have the citizenship of their host countries. The SADR passport exists as a sovereignty statement and as a functional document for travel within the network of recognizing states — primarily travel for diplomatic, organizational, and political purposes.

The Current Situation

In 2020, the Polisario Front declared the 1991 ceasefire void after Morocco used military force to reopen a crossing point that the Polisario had blocked. Low-level armed conflict has resumed in the area east of the Moroccan Wall. The prospect of the promised referendum has not improved.

Morocco’s 2020 normalization with Israel (the Abraham Accords) came partly in exchange for US recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara — a significant diplomatic shift that the Polisario condemned and that complicated the UN’s position. The Biden administration did not reverse the recognition. The Biden-era State Department maintained a studied ambiguity. The status of the territory remains unresolved after 50 years, with approximately 90,000 to 165,000 Sahrawis still living in desert refugee camps waiting for the self-determination vote they were promised in 1991.

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Frequently Asked Questions

Is the SADR a UN member?

No. The SADR is an African Union full member — one of its 55 member states — but it is not a UN member. It has observer status and participates in some UN processes, but full UN membership would require Security Council approval, which the US, France, and potentially others would block given their relationships with Morocco.

Why hasn’t the self-determination referendum happened?

The UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) was established in 1991 specifically to organize a referendum. The referendum has been delayed for over 30 years because Morocco refuses to allow independence as an option and the two sides have never agreed on voter eligibility criteria — specifically, whether Moroccan settlers in the territory count as voters.

What does Morocco say about Western Sahara?

Morocco considers Western Sahara its “Southern Provinces” and proposes an “Autonomy Plan” that would give Western Sahara self-governance under Moroccan sovereignty — but not independence or a referendum with independence as an option. Most Western countries and the UN treat the Autonomy Plan as a starting point for negotiations, not an accepted settlement.

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